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ISTITUTO ITALIANO PER IL MEDIO ED ESTREMO ORIENTE ISTITUTO UNIVERSITARIO ORIENTALE Dipartimento di Studi Asiatici LUCIANO PETECH CENTRAL TIBET AND THE MONGOLS THE YUAN - SA-SKYA PERIOD OF TIBETAN HISTORY ROME ISTITUTO ITALIANO PER IL MEDIO ED ESTREMO ORIENTE 1 990 ROME ORIENTAL I. II . III . IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX, 1. IX, 2. X, 1. X, 2. X, 3. XI . XII . XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII . XIX. XX. XXI . XXII . XXIII. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. Already published - TUCCI G., The Tombs oj the Tibetan Kings - PETECH L., Northern India according to the Shui-ching-chu. - FRAUWALLNER E., On the date oj the Buddhist Master of.the Law Vasuban- dhu. - ROCK J. F., The J Na-2 Khz' Ni'iga cult and related ceremonies. Part I and JI. - ConJerenze, Vol. I. Containing lectures delivered at Is.M.E.O. by G, COEDES: J. L. DUYVENDAK, C. HENTZE, P. H. POTT. - CONZE E., Abhisamayi'ilaftki'ira. Introduction and translation from the originaJ text, with Sanskrit-Tibetan indexes. - ConJerenze, Vol. II. Containing lect1.lres delivered at Is.M.E.O. by H. COR$IN; N. EGAMI, M. ELIADE, J. FILLIOZAT, P. HUMBERTCLAUDE, J. MAsUl, E. H. DE TSCHARNER. - FRAUWALLNER E., The earliest Vinaya and the beginnings. oJBuddhistliterac ture. . . '. ' - TUCCI G., Minor Buddhist Texts, ParLI. ContainingAsair g- - GNOLI R., The aesthetic experience according � to. Abhinavagup1a. - ROCK J. F., The Amnye Ma�chhen range and adja�entregions. - CONZE E., Vajracchediki'i Prajfii'ipi'iramiti'i. - Le symbolisme .cosmique des monuments religieux. Conferences paTR. BLOqi'!, J. DANIELOU, M. ELIADE, M. GRIAULE, C. HENTzE, . C . .LEVI--'STRA,USs,H. C, PUECH, G. TuccI. - WYLIE T. V., A place name index to George N.Roerich i s translation oJ the Blue Annals. - FERRARI A., mK'yen brtse's Guide to the holy places o j Central Ti bet. - Orientalia Romana. 1, Essays and Lectures, by E. BENZ,. H; CoRBIN,·A; G07 DARD, L. HAMBIS, V. MINORSKY, S. P. TOLSTov. - ROERICH G., Le parler de.I'Amdo. Etude d,'un dialecte archan Ap­ pendix containing two Minor Chronicles. - WYLIE T.V., The Geography oj Tibet according tothe �Dzam-gling-rgya� bshad. . - CONZE E., The Gilgit manuscript oj the A#i'idasasiihasrikiiprajfii'ipi'itarniti'i; Chapters 55 to 70 corresponding to the 5th Abhisamaya . . Text and English translation. (Literary and historical documents from Pakistan . l 1). - GNOLI R., Udbhi'i,ta's Commentary on the Ki'ivyi'ilal'{lki'iriio J Bhi'i/1'laha.Sanskti� fragments from Pakistan. Edited with critical notes (Literary. and hist,orical documents Jrom Pakistan - 2). IST I TU TO ITALIAN O PER IL MEDIO ED ESTREMO ORIENTE SERIE ORIENTALE ROMA FONDATA DA GIUSEPPE TUCCI DIRETTA DA GHERARDO GNOLI Vol. LXV RO MA Is. M. E. O. 1990 ISTITUTO ITALIANO PER IL MEDIO ED ESTREM O ORIENTE ISTITUTO UNIVERSIT ARlO ORIENTALE Dipartimento di Studi Asiatici LUC IANO PETECH CENTRAL T A D THE MO ET GOLS THE YUAN - SA-SKYA PERIOD OF TIBETAN HISTORY RO ME ISTITUTO ITALIANO PER IL MEDIO ED ESTREMO ORIENTE 1 990 Distributed by Herder, International Book Centre, 120, Piazza Montecitorio, 00186 Rome, Italy. II Italy by Libreria Distributrice Degrassi, 61/a, Via Fonteiana, 00152 Roma. In India, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka by Munshiram Manoharlal, Post Box 5715, 54 Rani Jhansi Road, New Delhi 110055. TUTTI I DIRITTI RISERVATI Printed in Italy - Stampato in Italia Tipografia Don Bosco - Via Prenestina 468 - 00171 Roma - Tel. 25.82.640 TABLE OF CONT ENT S Foreword . . . VII I. Introduction: the sou rces . . . . . 1 II. The esta blish ment of the Yuan - Sa -skya partnership 5 11. 1: The beginnings (till 1260) . . . 5 11.2: Rise and fulfilment of Mongol paramountcy 16 III . The institutiona l fr ame . . . 33 111. 1: Structures within the imperial government . 33 111.2: The Imperial Preceptor 36 111.3: Imperial offices in Central Tibet . 38 111.4: The dp on e'en . 43 111. 5: The census . 46 111.6: The taxation . . . . . . 49 111.7: The myriarchies (k'ri skor) 50 111.8: The mail service . 6 1 IV. Yuan - Sa-skya rule uncha llenged (ca. 1290-13 30) 7 1 V. Dec line and fall of Sa-skya power . 85 V.1: The rise of P'ag-m o-- gru: the first years . 85 V.2: The rise of P'ag-m o-- gru: crisis and victory 100 V.3: The consol idation of P'ag-mo- -gru paramo untcy 119 VI. Concluding remarks 13 9 Tables and geneal ogies . 143 Chinese Characters . . 14 7 Biblio graphy and abbr eviations . 151 Tibetan Index . . . . 15 7 General Index 16 5 FO REWOR D My interest in Tibetan history of the Yuan period dates ba ck to 197 8, when I participated in the Iss aquah conference on “Multi­ State relations in East Asia, 10th-1 3th centuries“. The pa per I contributed on that occasion was published in the volume China among Equals, University of California Press 19 83 . It was a preli­ minary and so mewhat premature introduction to the sub ject. I continued to cultivate that field, and this book represents the final summing-up of my researches and of my views on several particu­ lar aspects of Tibetan history of the 13 th and 14 th centuries. It is my hope that this volume will of fer to the public a ba­ lanced view of the rather complicated Central Tibetan polity and institutions of the Yuan period, at the same time exorcizing the ghosts of non -e xisting “v iceroys of Tibet “ that has been haunting our scientific landscape for these last years. Look ing back to the slow and laborious progress of my work, I am acutely aware that the very nature of the available texts broug ht with itself the danger of allowing undue weight and space to the rise of P'ag-mo-gr u, to the detriment of events and perso­ nalities of the Yuan-Sa-skya regime. But there is no way of get­ ting round Byan -c'u b-rgyal-mt s'an's auto biography, an amazing literary work and by far the fullest and most detailed sou rce for the second and third quarter of the 14 th century. I tried my best to avoid this pitfall, but it is up to fellow -s cholars working in the same field to tell me whether I have succeeded. Their considered criticism will be my best reward for this product of my life evening. Ma rch 1990 LUCIANO PETECH CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION: THE SO URCES This volume is intended to present the results of a long re­ search, of which some essays have been already offered to the public during these last years, in the form of articles or of con­ tributions to conference proceedings. My work does not claim to· be exhausti ve. Its aim is to pre­ sent an all-round picture of events and develop ments during the period of Tibetan history characterized by a peculiar form of part­ nership between the Mo ngol emperors and the Sa-skya monast­ ery. Since the process leading to the formation of this relation ship is fairly well known, the emphasis is laid rather on the institu­ tional fr ame and on the culmination, decay and end of the regime, these subjects having attracted less attention by modem scholars . Our knowledge of this century-and-a-half of Tibetan histor y derives almost exclusively fr om Tibetan and Chinese so urces; the Mongol texts are late and secondary, being mostly derived from Tibetan originals. The para llel utilization of the two sets is the only profitable way for recons tructing events and institutions. One serious difficulty lying in our path is the totally different character of the two components. Chinese so urces are represented mainly by the official history of the Yuan dynasty (YS); other so urces of the sa me period are of little help. It is superfl uous to insist here on the drawbacks of the YS, due to its hasty compilati on. Beyond that lies the ba sic fact that, in the words of E. Ba lazs, the Chinese dynastic histories are written by offi cials for offi cials, with all the peculiar mentality and interests this implies. The annalistic sections (pen-chi) contain few items related to Central Tibet, but they are usef ul for determining the dates. The mono graphs on administra tion (ch. 60 and 87) are som ewhat confused, poss ibly because they mix together offi ces and institutions created at different times, and also because it is still difficult to determine the actual functions performed by the nu­ merous offices that made up the Yuan peripheral administrati on. - 2 - Ch. 20 3, dedicated to Buddhism and dealing also with 'P' ags -pa , the ti-shih and other Buddhist persona lities, is a particularly slip­ shod piece of work and its chronology in so me cases is palpably incorrect. The Tibetan historical works can be divided into three main classes: hagiog raphies (rnam t'ar), genealogies (gdwl rabs) and his­ tories of the dynasties (rgyal rabs) or of religion (c'os 'byw1). Of these, the first category is concerned normally only with the stud­ ies, initiations and spiritual development of their heroes; secular matters are but marginal . The genealo gical works are most useful, although in many cases they dwindle down to mere lists of names and bodily or spiritual relationships , with few if any dates and sketchy historical materials. The third class is usually of a too gen­ eral character to be of any use; this is the case for the histories of Bu-s ton (1323), of bSod -nams-rgyal -mt s'an (1368/9) and of Padma -dkar-po (1575). A notable exception is the chronicle of the Fifth Dal ai-Lama (HT5D: 16 43), which has la rgely copied the GBYT, but so metimes contains infor mation not found els ewhere. Bes ides the GR of bSod -nams-rgyal -mt s'an, two sou rces of the 14 th century have come down to us. One is the Hu Ian deb t'er (HD) , incorrectly also called Deb f'er dmar po, written by the 'Ts' al-pa k'ri dpon Kun-d ga'-rd o-rj e (1309 -136 4); he began his work in 13 46 and finished it, as it seems, in 13 63. It was pub­ lished twice. First at Gangt ok in 1961 from a single manuscript belonging to Rai Ba hadur Densapa, and again at Peking in 19 81 by Dun-dkar Blo-bzan -'p' rin- las , who also added to the text nu­ merous (683) notes of various value. This edition was based on nine mss. preser ved at Lhasa and at Peking. It is a recensio lon­ gi or, containing in addition a chapter on the transmission of the Do ctrine and of the Vinaya, another on the Karma-pa sect and a third on the 'Ts' al-pa school. While the first and third certainly belong to the original text, the chapter on the Karma-pa is dis­ propor tionately long (al most a quarter of the whole book) and not quite in harmony with the structure of the work; it looks as a later addition. Its relat ionship with the first portion of KARMA is unmistakable, but I am not prepared to decide whether this sec­ tion was copied fr om KARMA or the other way round. I think it advisable to treat this section of HD as an independent work (HD-2) . - 3 - Far more usef ul than the rather sketchy HD is the Si tu'i bka' c'ems (LANG), the so-called last will of Ta' i-si-tu ByaIi­ c' ub-rgyal- mts'an (1302 -136 4), the founder of the P'ag-mo-gru dynasty. It is preceded by a section dealing with the mythical ori­ gin of the family called r Lans Po ti bse ru, a title which oft en co­ vers both parts. It represents our main sou rce for the final years of Sa -skya power. Actually the pol itical testa ment of the Ta'i­ si-tu occu pies only the last pages, the bulk of the work being a detailed account of his pol itical activity down to 1361. The earliest and by far the most valuable of the non--con tem­ porary sou rces is the rGya Bod yi g ts'an (GBY1), com posed by Sribhutibhadra in 1434 and brilliantly studied twenty-five years ago by Mme. Ma cdona ld (Spanien) . In several cases it ranks as an original sou rce, being based upon lost texts of the Yiian period, such as the Ta Yiian t' ung-ch ih. So me sta ndard texts of the 15 th and 17 th centuries supply in­ dependent evidence. Such are the Deb t'er snon po by gZon­ nu-dpal (1476-78) , the Deb t'er dmar po gsar ma by bSod -nams­ grags -p a (1529), the Sa skya 'i gdun rabs by Kun- dga'- bsod ­ nams-gr ags -pa-rgyal-mt s'an (1629) and the Karma Kaf!l ts'an brgyud pa by Si-tu Pa:t;,l --c'e n C'os-kyi -'by uIi-gnas (1775) . La ter general texts such as Sum-pa mK' an-po and the Hor C'os- 'byun have no Independent value and are not utilized in the present study. The family chronicle s, such as BY ANG and NYO S, concentr­ ate on genealo gical matters and usually give few details. The Za-Iu Do cuments (ZL) , iss ued by the Imperial Preceptors at the capital in favour of the Za-Iu myriarchs, are invaluable as a help to understand the actual working of the imperial adminis­ tration in Tibet. Las tly, a small group of sou rces is represented by the adresses of letters and tracts by 'P' ags-pa and by the colophons of trans­ lated or revised works in the Kangyur and Tangyur. A synthesis of all these materials is beset with several difficul­ ties. They reveal not only different outlooks, but even two oppo­ site mentalit ies: the one (Chinese) dry, matter-of -fact , bureaucra­ tic, the other (Tibetan) unworldly and monastical (with the partial exception of LANG and GBY1). They seem to consistently ignore each other. One example in point is that, with the exception of - 4 - 'P' ags-pa , the only monks to whom biographies are dedicated in the Chinese texts appear (if at all) as pale and obsc ure perso nali­ ties in the Tibetan so urces; at times it is even difficult to identify them. CHA PTER II. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE YU AN - SA-SKYA PARTNE RSHIP III - The beginn ings (to 1260) The rising Mo ngol power was faced al most at once with the problem of devising a syst em of relations with the organized reli­ gions in the newly-conquered territories. As far as China is con­ cerned, this question has been repeatedly treated 1) and all we need here is a bare outline of the main developme nts. The first step was made in 1219 , when genera l Muqa li, who was holding the Peking region against the resurging power of the lurcen, brought Hai-yiin (1202 -1 257), a you ng Ch' an monk of the Lin-chi school, to the attention of Cinggis Khan, then campaign­ ing in Central Asi'a. On this occasion the emperor granted to the Chinese Buddhist monks exemption fr om taxes and corvees, a pri­ vilege which his successors consist ently renewed and con firmed. In 12 42 Hai-yiin entered into a special relation ship with prince Qubi­ lai (1219 -1 294) and beca me the religious teacher of his son l ingim, who later became the heir-a pparent. In 1247 the qayan Giiyiik placed him at the head of the Buddhist clergy in North China, and upon his accession in 1251 Mongke confirmed him in office. Almost at the same time a rather mysterious perso nality ap­ peared on the scene; this was Na- mo, a man fr om the Wester n Countries, perhaps a Kashmiri or possibly a Tibetan. In 12 47 he received the rank of State Preceptor (kucr-sh ih) , and in 1252 Mong­ ke charged him with the administration of Buddhist affairs in the whole empire, either as a superior to Hai-yiin or superseding him; in any case, the latter fades out of the picture after that date. Na-mo headed the Buddhist delegation in the first and second de­ bate against the Taoists,