ᠬᠦᠢᠰᠦᠲᠣᠯᠣᠭᠠᠢ ᠶᠢᠨ ᠪᠢᠴᠢᠭᠡᠰᠦ ᠶᠢ ᠲᠠᠶᠢᠯᠠᠬᠤ ᠨᠢ — ᠠᠯᠧᠺᠰᠠᠨᠳᠧᠷ ᠸᠣᠸᠢᠨ (ᠠᠩᠭ᠍ᠯᠢ ᠬᠡᠯᠡ ᠪᠠᠷ)
Presented August 31, 2017 at 60th PIAC, Székesfehérvár, HUNGARY ©Alexander Vovin, 2017 INTERPRETATION OF THE HÜIS TOLGOI INSCRIPTION (Draft version) Alexander VOVIN EHESS/CRLAO, Paris IamgoingtopresentbelowatentativereadingandinterpretationoftheHüisTolgoiinscription (hereafter HTinscription). Thisworkwouldnot bepossiblewithout thepioneeringworkby DieterMaueonthedecipherment ofitswritingsystem, whichwasalsogreatlyaddedbythe efforts of the team of specialists in 3-D photography that accompanied us on our 2014 expedition to Mongolia. Althoughatthisstageitisnotpossibletoprovideacompletereadingandinterpretation oftheHTinscription,slightlygoingaheaditseemsbeyondreasonabledoubtthatitisinsome formof Mongolic. It also appears that the language of the inscription, although it can be conditionallytermedasavarietyofPara-Mongolic,ismuchclosertothemainstreamMongolic languages, such as Middle Mongolian and modern extant Mongolic languages than to Serbi-Khitan, althoughtherearesomefeaturesthatthelanguageoftheHTinscriptionshares 1 withthelatter. It isnecessarytonotethat theHTinscriptionismonolingual,whichcertainly opensthegatesfortheguess-workandspeculations,someofwhichcertainlywillbecorrected by the following generations of scholars. As was already mentioned by my colleagues, the HTinscription (or inscriptions?) consistsoftwostones, onepreservedinthebasementoftheNationalArcheologicalInstitute, andtheotherplacedneartheentrancetothebuilding.Certaincircumstancespreventedusfrom reading and photographing the text on it. LINE 2-1 2 Transliteration: bı̣ tị̄- ña̤r kagan dig în šị̄ñı̣-n bodi-satva to̤ro̤-x Tentative transcription: biti[g]-ńar qaɣan digin šińe-n bodi-satva törö-k Morphemic analysis: inscription-PLUR qaɣan tegin new-GEN Bodhi-sattva be.born-NOM.FUT Notes 1. bı̣tị̄,kagan,digîn, andbodi-satvaseemtobeforthemostpartunproblematic,buttheyalso provide no information on the genetic affiliation of the language. 2. -ńarisprobablytheMongolicpluralmarker -nAr,butthereisafunctionalproblemwiththis interpretation. InMMitisalwaysusedwitheitherkinshiptermsofwithdeities.Khitanplural 1 TherewasanunprecedentedgrowthofKhitanstudiesintheWestalone,withthreesignificantmonographs published in the recent years: Kane 2009, Wu & Janhunen 2010, and Shimunek 2017. 2 The first number indicates the number of the stone, and the second the number of a line on it. 1 marker -ńər ~-ńəńisalsousedfornounsdentinghumans(Shimunek2017:264).Thus,inboth 3 MongolicandKhitanthesesuffixesarelimitedinusage,beingreservedonlyforanimatenouns. However, crosslinguisticallythefunctional changesinpluralmarkersarenotunknown.Thus, forexample,WOJ -raoriginallyusedtobeaneutralpluralmarker,usedbothwithanimateand inanimate nouns, but virtually acquired pejorative usage with animate nouns in Middle (Classical) Japanese (Vovin 2005: 93). In the similar fashion, WOJ plural marker -tati for animatenounsgraduallybecamehighlyrestrictedhonorificpluralmarkerinMJ(Vovin2005: 100). The plural marker -ndömöwasrestrictedtoanimatenounsdesignatingpeopleinWOJ (Vovin2005:98),butinMJitsdescendantform-domoisusedwithbothanimateandanimate nouns (Vovin 2003: 41). 3. šińe-n‘new’isthesecondwordthat ishighlydiagnostic,clearlypointingtotheMongolic direction. Brāhmī probably stands for [i] or [ı], as notedbyMaue, sointhiscaseit is probablysafetotranscribeas[i],although[e]cannotbecompletelyruledout.Evenifthe formis to be read šini, cf. EMMšini 失你‘new’ (MNT§265), although the majority of attestationsindicatešine,cf.šinenullnullnullnull(QubIV:43),WMMšineﻪﻨﯿﺷ(Mu334).Cf.Khitan*šɛn (Langjun7: 6), thusphoneticallyHTformisclosertomainstreamMongolic. Thefinal -nis likely to be a genitive. AsfarasIcantell, therearenoclear-cutcasesoftheadnominalusageofgenitivein MM. Thus, e.g.: Tümet irgen-ü oki-t Tümet people-GEN girl-PLUR (MNT §241) canbeinterpretedas‘girls whoareTümetpersons’or‘girls ofTümetpeople’.Meanwhile,in Khitan, asnotedbyShimunek, agenitivecasemarkercanbeusedasanadnominal marker, albeit this function is restricted to the cases when it is preceded by a numeral (2017: 260), e.g. tau-un u.ur five-GEN division the Five Divisions (lit.: divisions that are five) (Yelü Xiang-wen 7: 15-16) 4.Bodhi-sattvaiseitheragivennameoftheTurkicqaɣanfromtheFirstKhanate,orBuddhist Bodhi-Sattvacouldalsobemeant here, asthetext maybeahistorical,butwiththereligious overtones. 5. to̤ro̤-xislikelytobeMongolictörö-kü‘tobeborn’,nomenfuturi,butnotthetranscription ofthetribal nameTürük(laterTürk).Bothtörö-k[ü]‘willbeborn’andtürüg‘Türük’appear morethanonceintheHTinscription, theformeronlines2-1,2-8,and2-9,andthelatteron lines2-5and2-10intheirspecificcontexts.Whatisevenmoreimportant,isthefactthatthey havenot onlydifferent vocalism, but alsothedifferencebetween -xfor törö-k[ü],and-gfor Türüg. Both these discrepancies cannot be explained as a simple free variation. 6. TherearethreetypicallyMongolicmorphologicalmarkersonthisline:plural -ńAr,nomen futuri -x i raising: *šine šińi ‘new’ in line 2-1. 6. dolumustbeacognatetoMMdolu’an‘seven’,withoutthenumericalsuffix*-pan(-’anin intervocalic position). Cf. Khitan dalʊ ‘id.’ with a different vocalism. 7. hügbüisaninterestingcase.ThelanguageoftheHTinscriptionhasbothp-andb-,sounlike MM, h-or h-cannotbeareflexofproto-Mongolic*p-.Isuspectthatiteitherdenotesinitialg- or Ɂ-. However, there are no apparent MM cognates. The last word on this line is unreadable. 8.Asintheprevioustwolines,thereisplentyofMongolicmorphologyinline2-3:accusative-ı (cf. MMaccusative -i), converbummodale -n, nomenfuturi -qu,pluralsuffix-ńAr(thistime following an animate noun), and converbumimperfecti -ǰu. Thelast threehasbeenalready discussedabove. Asforthefirsttwo,notethattherearenoaccusative-ıor -iandconverbum modale -n in Khitan. LINE 2-4 Transliteration: b[ı̣]tị̄ jị̄lo̤-na̤r kra-nya-gu-ñ tunullwa̤ punullro̤-r cı̣cị̄-ra̤ pügtîg ña̤la̤n Tentative transcription: b[i]tī[g] jīlo-nar q[a]ra-n[V]ya-ɣuń tuwa punullro̤-r čiči-rä pügtîg ńele-n Morphemic analysis: inscription stone-PLUR look-?-NML tribal.name ?-NML stab-CONV ? join-CONV Notes: 1. jị̄lomust berelatedtoMMčila’un‘stone’(withpossiblevoicingof č-inanintervocalic position), and -nar is a plural suffix. Notethat thistimewehave n-, not ń-, possiblyunder influence of the final -noftheprecedingwordthat itselfelided(however, cf. also qato-ńar ‘qaɣan’swives’ rı̣ kaga n türüg [ka]ga[n] []ị̄jı̣- n rubī-j ja̤ lo̤ ba̤-j darka- d ja̤y bı̣ Tentative transcription: pada- Niri qaɣan türüg [qa]ɣa[n] [k/g]īǰi-n ubī-ǰ ǰalo-ba-ǰ darqa-d ǰay bi Morphemic analysis: be.cut-(?) Niri qaɣan türk qaɣan approach/follow-CONV ?-PST direct-PST-PST free.man-PLUR happy be Notes: 1.Thereisalacunaafter pada-.ThereisWMada-‘tobestubbed,tobecut’,butasfarasIcan tell thewordisnot attestedmost importantlyeitherinMM(therefore,wecannotconfirmthe presence, or the absence of an initial h- *p-) or in WMprior to seventeenth century. Therefore, this identification remains dubious. 2. Wehavealreadymet TurkicqaɣanNiriinline2-5,soNiriqaɣantürüg[qa]ɣa[n]doesnot require any commentary. 3.[]īǰi-nlookslikeaverbalformendinginconverbummodale-n,butestablishingtheidentity oftherootmightbedifficult,althoughMM[g]iǰi-‘tofollow’(MNT§253),[k]iǰi-‘toapproach’ (MNT §195) seem to be the only candidates. 4. The root ubī- does not have any parallels, but on distant past -ǰ see the note 6 to the line 2-6. 5. ǰalo-ba-ǰ mayconsist oftheroot ǰalo-(cf. WMǰalu-‘todirect’, ‘tomakestraight’), past 9 tense -bA, and distant past -ǰi. 6. darqa-d is a plural form of darka-n ‘free man, official’. 7. ǰa̤ylookslikeacognatetoEMMǰaya’an‘happy,blessed’(MNT§66,§194,§248),where -’an is likely to be a suffix. 8. bi is a cognate to MM büi ‘to exist’ (MNT §18, §35, §44, etc.), (Mu 105, 110, 139, etc.). 9.ThereareseveraltypicallyMongolicmorphologicalmarkersonthislineaswell:converbum modale -n, distant past -ǰ, past -bA, and plural suffix -d. LINE 2-11 9 Not attested in Pre-Classical WM (Tumurtogoo 2006) or in MM. 9 Transliteration: [ ]run bitig [+]säg pag [ +? +? ] j[] [ +? +? ] darka-n b[] tı̣ ba̤ ka Tentative transcription: [e’]ün bitig [+]säg pag [ +? +? ] ǰ[] [ +? +? ] darqa-n b[i]ti-be qa Morphemic analysis: this inscription ? ? ? ? ? official-SING write-PST ? Notes: 1. The last line is in a very poor state of preservation, but it looks like a signature of a scribe. 2.Isubstitutee’forthefirstlacuna.Theresultingformise’ün-,anequivalenttoEMMoblique stem e’ün- of the demonstrative pronoun ere‘this’. Likely, this is a reductionof e’ün-ü, a genitive form of ere. 3. bitig is ‘inscription’, see also lines 2-1, 2-4, and 2-9 4. darqa-nissingularformof darqa-‘official, freeman’thatwehavealreadyseenasplural darqa-d on line 2-10. 5. biti-beisthepasttenseformof biti-‘towrite’.Therestofthelineisundecipherableatthe present moment. 6. OnlytwoMongolicmorphological markersappearonthisline: singular -nandpast tense suffix -bA. TENTATIVE PARTIAL TRANSLATION 1-3. qaɣan [and] prince [of] the inscriptions. When qaɣan, whowill be[re]bornasanew 10 Bodhisattva,knowslordBuddhaknowledge,andpromisestothecountry’sAńaqay[title],begs, standforthetribe, andpromisingseven[times]…4.Lookingattheinscriptionstones,Tupa [people], …inordertostab…joining…5. …qaɣan’swives[and]youngerbrothers,[and] Niriqaɣan,qaɣan[of]Türks 6.worshipedtheLaw,andcountry’serkinsandcollectors…7.is enoughandtherewereenoughofthosewhorealizedthat qaɣan’sregnalyearswereshining. Tupa8.people…counting…qaɣanwhowillbe[re]bornasanewBodhisattva9-10.…ofthe inscription…Tupapersonsbeingcut fromtheqaɣanwhowillbe[re]bornasaqaɣan,[they] followedNiri qaɣan, qaɣanofTürksand…[He]directed[them]. Freemenwerehappy. 11. Official … wrote this inscription … COMPARATIVE CHART OF HÜIS TOLGOI AND MONGOLIC/KHITAN MORPHOLOGY marker Hüis Tolgoi MM Pre-Classical WM Khitan genitive after -n stems -U ~ -Un -U ~ -nU -U -en genitive after consonantal stems -Un ~ -iń -Un -Un -un, -en, genitive after vowel stems -n -n -n -n, -on, -un accusative -ı ~ -i -i ~ -yi -i ~ -yi -Ø plural suffix -ńAr -nAr -nAr -ńer ~ -ńeń plural suffix -d -d -d -d singular suffix -n -n -n -- 10 This is likely to be a carry-over from the first stone. 10 nomen actoris -či -či -či -- converbum modale -n -n -n -- converbum contemporale -ǰU -ǰU -ǰU -ǰ ~ -č converbum finale -rA -rA -rA -- nomen futuri -x -qu ~ -kü -qu ~ -kü -- past -bA -bA(i) -bA(i) -beń distant past -ǰ *-ǰi -ǰuqui ~ -ǰüküi -- deductive present -yU -yU -yU -- nominalizer -ɣuń ~ -ɣun -’Un -ɣun ~ -gün -- nominalizer -r -r -r -- nominalizer -ɣol -’Ul -ɣul ~ -gül -- functionally unclear verbal suffix -n[V]yA- -- -- -- I believe that the chart above clearly demonstrates that the language of the HT inscriptionshowsmuchmorefeaturescommonwithmainstreamMongolicthanwithKhitan. Thisalsomakessensegeographically,sincetheHTinscriptioncomesfromtheterritorymuch more to the North than the home territories of Serbi and Khitan were. Certainly,wehavesufficientlexicaldifferencebetweenthelanguageofHTandthefirst monumentsinMM.Butthisalsoshouldcomeasnosurprise,giventhefactthatmorethanhalf of a millenniumseparates these texts, as well as the hard-core reality (sorely missed by Nostraticistsandotherlong-rangers)that thelexiconrepresentsthemostunstablepartofany language. SOME NOTES ON THE LANGUAGE OF THE NON-SOGDIAN PART OF THE BUGUT INCRIPTION ItotallyagreewithMauethatinspitebeingabilingualtext,thisisamuchhardernuttocrack thantheHTinscription.AlthoughitiswritteninthesameBrāhmīscript,Iseenosimilaritiesor no commonalities with the language of HT inscription, except may be for a converb contemporale -ǰU, butonesimilarityprovesnothing.Theinscriptionisalsomuchshorterthan theSogdiantext,soitisnotaRosettastonebyanystandards.Iwouldnotbeaspessimisticas Mauetocall thedecipherment completelyhopeless. Ilargelysuspectthatthelanguageofthe non-Sogdian part of the inscription might be Ruan-ruan but I would not attempt its deciphermentbeforeIfinishdiggingoutbitsandpiecesofthisenigmaticlanguagefromtheOT sourcesandacquiringagoodworkingknowledgeofSogdianthatIcurrentlydonothave.The latternecessityisduetothefactthatanyreadingsoftheSogdianpartoftheinscriptionprovide solelythetranslation, but not themorphemicanalysis,whichisthecrucialhelpingpartinthe decipherment of any unknown bilingual portion. CONCLUSION Itrust that themost innovativeandrevolutionarylinguisticpartofourpresentationisthatthe first‘Altaic’-typelanguageattestedinthesteppebyacontinuoustextisnotOT,butMongolic. ApartfromthefactthatitnowplacesMongolicasatextuallyattestedlanguageinthelatesixth orearlyseventhcenturyandmakesitacontenderamong‘Altaic’-typelanguageswithKorean that hasthefirstcontinuoustextattributedto594or596AD.Forthesakeofthecomparison, thefirstOldJapanesetextisdatedonlyby697AD,andthefirstOTtextby713AD.Tungusic 11 Jurchen texts are not attested before the twelfth century. Thisdiscoverycanalsopotentiallyreverse,atleastinsom