ᠮᠣᠩᠭᠤᠯ ᠠᠪᠢᠶ᠎ᠠ ᠪᠠ ᠬᠦᠬᠡᠨᠠᠭᠤᠷ — ᠭᠠᠨᠰᠦ ᠳᠠᠬᠢ ᠦᠭᠡ ᠬᠡᠯᠡ .pdf

Hans Nugteren 220289 Mongolic Phonology and theQinghai-Gansu Languages Hans Nugteren Mongolic Phonology and the Qinghai-Gansu Languages The peripheral Mongolic languages of the Qinghai-Gansu area in China comprise Eastern Yugur (Shira Yugur) and the Shirongol languages. The latter can be subdivided in a Monguor branch, consisting of Mongghul and Mangghuer, and a Baoanic branch, consisting of Baoan, Kangjia, and Dongxiang (Santa). The internal taxonomy of the Qinghai-Gansu languages will be discussed in a separate section. The Qinghai-Gansu languages are increasingly well-described. They have also been the subject of studies in language contact, mostly in the context of the Amdo or Qinghai-Gansu Sprachbund. This study will approach the phonology of Qinghai-Gansu Mongolic from a comparative historical viewpoint. It provides an overview of the phonological developments of the Qinghai-Gansu languages, comparing them to the reconstructed ancestral language. At the same time it will investigate the archaic features that can be found in these languages, in order to improve the reconstructions of individual Mongolic lexemes. The book ends with a comparative supplement of about 1350 reconstructed Common Mongolic items, accompanied by the modern forms they are based on and, where necessary, arguments for the chosen reconstruction. ISBN 978-94-6093-070-6 Hans Nugteren Mongolic Phonology and the Qinghai-Gansu Languages Mongolic Phonology and the Qinghai-Gansu Languages Published by LOT phone: +31 30 253 6006 Trans 10 3512 JK Utrecht e-mail: lot@uu.nl The Netherlands http://www.lotschool.nl Cover illustration: Möngün Taiga (Tuva) by Elisabetta Ragagnin. ISBN: 978-94-6093-070-6 NUR 616 Copyright © 2011: Hans Nugteren. All rights reserved. Mongolic Phonology and the Qinghai-Gansu Languages PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad van Doctor aan de Universiteit Leiden op gezag van de Rector Magnificus prof. mr. P. F. van der Heijden, volgens besluit van het College van Promoties te verdedigen op woensdag 7 december 2011 klokke 11:15 door Hans Nugteren geboren te Rotterdam in 1968 Promotiecommissie: Promotor: Prof. dr. F.H.H. Kortlandt Overige leden: Prof. dr. W.F.H. Adelaar Prof. dr. Á. Birtalan (Eötvos Loránd University, Budapest) Prof. dr. A.M. Lubotsky Prof. dr. M.P.G.M. Mous CONTENTS PREFACE 13 Abbreviations 15 Terms 17 Non-standard symbols 17 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. The Qīnghăi-Gānsù languages and reconstruction 19 1.2. The Mongolic language family 22 1.2.1. Overview and global classification 22 1.2.2. General characteristics and typology 23 1.2.3. Mongolic lexicon 24 1.3. Source materials 24 1.3.1. General considerations 24 1.3.2. Selection of lexemes 25 1.3.3. Materials of the QG languages 25 1.3.4. Materials of other Mongolic languages 27 1.3.5. Reconstruction of individual lexemes 28 1.3.6. Semantics 28 1.4. Phones of the QG languages 28 1.4.1. General considerations 28 1.4.2. Non-QG languages 29 1.4.3. Eastern Yugur phones 30 1.4.4. Mongghul phones 30 1.4.5. Mangghuer phones 31 1.4.6. Dahejia Baoan phones 31 1.4.7. Ñantoq Baoan phones 32 1.4.8. Kangjia phones 32 1.4.9. Dongxiang phones 33 1.5. Relationships of the Qīnghăi-Gānsù Languages 34 1.5.1. Features uniting all of Qīnghăi-Gānsù Mongolic 35 1.5.1.1. Final accent and consequences 35 1.5.1.2. Simplification of the vowel system 36 1.5.1.3. Phenomena related to consonant strength 37 1.5.1.4. Lexical features 38 1.5.1.5. Semantic and functional features 40 1.5.2. Peripheral opinions on known Central Mongolic variants 40 1.5.3. Features separating Eastern Yugur and Shirongol 41 1.5.3.1. Phonetic features separating Eastern Yugur and Shirongol 41 1.5.3.2. Lexical and morphological features separating Eastern Yugur and Shirongol 43 1.5.4. Features separating Monguoric and Baoanic 45 1.5.4.1. Phonetic features separating Monguoric and Baoanic 45 1.5.4.2. Lexical and morphological features separating Monguoric and Baoanic 47 1.5.5. Deviating distribution of word shapes 50 1.5.5.1. Introduction 50 1.5.5.2. Similarities between Eastern Yugur and Monguoric 51 1.5.5.3. Similarities between Mangghuer and Baoanic 52 1.5.5.4. Differences within Baoanic 53 2. COMMON MONGOLIC PHONOLOGY 2.1. Common Mongolic and Proto Mongolic 57 2.2. Overview of Common Mongolic phonemes 58 2.3. Word structure 59 2.4. Undecided matters in Common Mongolic 60 2.4.1. Nature of Mongolic vowel harmony 60 2.4.2. Nature of the consonant strength opposition 62 2.4.3. Accent placement 63 2.5. Issues related to the reconstruction of the vowels 63 2.5.1. Vowel Types 63 2.5.2. The harmonic counterpart of CM *i 64 2.5.3. CM *o and *ö in non-first syllables 66 2.5.4. Vowel distribution 67 2.5.5. Alternations in simple vowels 70 2.5.6. Assimilation of complex vowels 72 2.6. Issues related to the reconstruction of the consonants 73 2.6.1. Positional distribution of the Common Mongolic consonants 73 2.6.2. Status of the uvular plosives q and ġ 74 2.6.3. Status of *ŋ 75 2.6.4. Status of *š 75 2.6.5. Status of *y 76 2.6.6. CM *h and PM *p 76 2.6.7. Relics of the sequences *dï/*di and *tï/*ti 79 2.7. Combinatory restrictions of the Common Mongolic consonants 80 3. MODERN DEVELOPMENT OF THE CM VOWELS 3.1. Introduction 85 3.1.1. Proto Mongolic legacy and prehistoric shifts 88 3.1.2. Types of changes 88 3.1.3. Vowel detection 92 3.2. Development of simple *a 94 3.2.1. Default development 94 3.2.2. Harmonic rounding 95 3.2.3. Reduction/raising 96 3.2.4. Non-harmonic rounding 97 3.2.5. Palatalisation phenomena 98 3.2.6. Elision 101 3.3. Development of simple *e 102 3.3.1. Default development 102 3.3.2. Harmonic rounding 103 3.3.3. Reduction/raising 104 3.3.4. Non-harmonic rounding 104 3.3.5. Tibetan-inspired simplification preceding -ŋ 106 3.3.6. Elision 106 3.4. Development of simple *ï 108 3.4.1. Preliminary remarks on CM *ï and *i 108 3.4.2. ‘Breakable’ and ‘unbreakable’ *ï and *i 108 3.4.3. Default development of *ï 109 3.4.4. Rounding phenomena 109 3.4.5. Elision 111 3.5. Development of simple *i 112 3.5.1. Default development of *i 112 3.5.2. Rounding phenomena 113 3.5.3. Lowering of *i 113 3.5.4. Elision 114 3.6. Palatal breaking 115 3.6.1. Assimilation of CM *ï and *i to following vowels 115 3.6.2. Palatal breaking in the North 116 3.6.3. Dagur contribution to palatal breaking 117 3.6.4. Eastern Yugur evidence for palatal breaking 118 3.6.5. Shirongol evidence for palatal breaking 120 3.7. Development of simple *o 122 3.7.1. Default development 122 3.7.2. Raising 123 3.7.3. Unrounding 123 3.7.4. Palatalisation 124 3.7.5. Elision 124 3.8. Development of simple *ö 125 3.8.1. Default development 125 3.8.2. Unrounding 125 3.8.3. Raising 126 3.8.4. Elision 127 3.9. Development of simple *u 128 3.9.1. Default development 128 3.9.2. Unrounding phenomena 128 3.9.3. Palatalisation 130 3.9.4. Elision 130 3.10. Development of simple *ü 131 3.10.1. Default development 131 3.10.2. Unrounding phenomena 132 3.10.3. Palatalisation 133 3.10.4. Elision 133 3.11. Issues related to vowel length 134 3.11.1. Vowel length in Mongolic 134 3.11.2. Phonological value of vowel length 135 3.11.3. Vowel length distinctions in peripheral Mongolic 136 3.11.3.1. Vowel length distinctions in Dagur 137 3.11.3.2. Vowel length distinctions in Eastern Yugur 138 3.11.3.3. Vowel length distinctions in Mongghul 139 3.11.3.4. A note on the long vowels of Mangghuer 140 3.11.3.5. A note on the long vowels of Dahejia Baoan 141 3.11.3.6. Vowel length distinctions in Ñantoq Baoan 141 3.11.3.7. Vowel length distinctions in Xiazhuang Baoan 142 3.11.3.8. A note on the long vowels of Kangjia 143 3.11.3.9. A note on the long vowels of Dongxiang 143 3.11.4. Origins of vowel length 143 3.12. Development of the CM double vowels 145 3.12.1. Introduction 145 3.12.2. Development of double *aa 146 3.12.3. Development of double *ee 148 3.12.4. Development of double *ïï and *ii 149 3.12.5. Development of double *uu 150 3.12.6. Development of double *üü 151 3.12.7. Development of *oa (*oo) 151 3.12.8. Development of *öe (*öö) 153 3.13. Development of the complex vowels 154 3.13.1. Types and developments 154 3.13.2. Development of *aï and *ei 156 3.13.2.1. Distribution 156 3.13.2.2. Dagur metanalysis of final *aï and *ei in noun stems 156 3.13.2.3. Remaining developments of *aï and *ei 158 3.13.3. Development of *oï, *uï *öi, *üi 159 3.13.3.1. Distribution 159 3.13.3.2. Development 159 3.13.4. Development of *au and *eü 160 3.13.4.1. Distribution 160 3.13.4.2. Development 160 3.13.5. Development of *ïa, *ie, *ïu, *iü 162 3.13.5.1. Distribution 162 3.13.5.2. Development 162 3.13.6. Metathesis of diphthong elements 164 3.14. Non-contraction vowel-lengths 164 3.14.1. Ill-spelled contraction lengths? 165 3.14.2. Non-contraction vowel lengths in peripheral Mongolic 167 3.14.3. Lengthening of the final vowel of monosyllables 169 3.14.4. Accent-related lengthening in the final syllable 170 3.14.5. Accent-related lengthening in non-final syllables 174 3.14.6. Length before the element *-sUn 179 3.14.7. Remaining first-syllable vowel lengths in QG languages 180 3.14.8. Remaining first-syllable vowel lengths in Dagur 181 3.14.9. Compensation lengths 182 3.14.10. Metathesis of vowel length 183 3.14.11. Lengthening of non-first vowels in Dagur 184 3.14.11.1. Lengthening of the final vowel of verbs 184 3.14.11.2. Lengthening of the last vowel of disyllabic nouns 185 3.14.11.3. Lengthening of last syllable vowels before -r 186 3.14.11.4. Various other Dagur vowel lengths 187 3.14.12. Long vowels in suffixes 188 3.14.13. Dagur lengths due to Tungusic cognates 192 3.15. Turkic evidence for ‘primary’ vowel length? 192 4. MODERN DEVELOPMENT OF THE CM CONSONANTS 4.1. Introduction 197 4.1.1. Proto Mongolic legacy and prehistoric shifts 197 4.1.2. Types of phonetic shifts 198 4.1.3. Patterns, preferences, and tendencies 199 4.2. Development of CM *b 207 4.2.1. Default (non-shift) 207 4.2.2. Shifts in the place of articulation 208 4.2.3. Shifts in the manner of articulation 208 4.2.4. Strength/aspiration shifts 210 4.2.5. Syllable-final developments 212 4.3. Development of CM *d and *t 213 4.3.1. Default (non-shift) 213 4.3.2. Shifts in the place of articulation 214 4.3.3. Strength/aspiration shifts 215 4.3.4. Syllable-final developments 216 4.4. Development of CM *ǰ and *č 217 4.4.1. Default (non-shift) 217 4.4.2. Shifts in the place of articulation 218 4.4.3. Strength/aspiration shifts 218 4.4.4. *y- instead of *ǰ- 218 4.4.5. Deaffrication of *č 219 4.5. The development of CM *g and *k 219 4.5.1. Default (non-shift) 219 4.5.2. Shifts in the place of articulation 221 4.5.3. Strength/aspiration shifts 222 4.5.4. Relics from lost intervocalic consonants 227 4.5.5. Syllable-final developments 228 4.6. Development of CM *s (and š) 231 4.6.1. CM *s and *š 231 4.6.2. Default development of *s 232 4.6.3. Shifts in the place of articulation 232 4.6.4. Affrication and weakening 233 4.6.5. Syllable-final developments 234 4.7. Development of CM *m 236 4.7.1. Default (non-shift) 236 4.7.2. Syllable-final developments 236 4.8. Development of CM *n 237 4.8.1. Default (non-shift) 237 4.8.2. Syllable-initial developments 238 4.8.3. Syllable-final developments 238 4.8.4. Intrusive preconsonantal n-? 241 4.9. Development of CM *ŋ 242 4.10. Development of CM *l 243 4.10.1. Default (non-shift) 243 4.10.2. Syllable-initial developments 243 4.10.3. Syllable-final developments 244 4.10.4. Intrusive preconsonantal -l-? 246 4.11. Development of CM *r 246 4.11.1 Default (non-shift) 246 4.11.2. Intervocalic developments 247 4.11.3. Syllable-final developments 249 4.11.4. Intrusive preconsonantal -r-? 250 4.12. Development of CM*y 250 4.13. Development of CM *h- (and vocalic onset) 250 4.13.1. Introduction 250 4.13.2. Reflexes of *h- in the peripheral languages 251 4.13.3. Pseudo-reflexes of *h- in QG Mongolic 252 4.13.4. Reliability of Middle Mongol data 253 4.13.5. Dagur evidence for CM *h- 255 4.13.6. Evidence for CM *h- in the QG languages 255 4.14. Some notes on metathesis 257 4.15. Some notes on intrusive consonants 260 LIST OF DERIVATIONAL SUFFIXES 261 COMPARATIVE SUPPLEMENT 263 Words starting with *a 263 Words starting with *b 276 Words starting with *č 296 Words starting with *d 308 Words starting with *e 321 Words starting with *g 335 Words starting with *h 347 Words starting with *ï 372 Words starting with *i 374 Words starting with *ǰ 378 Words starting with *k 395 Words starting with *l 437 Words starting with *m 438 Words starting with *n 451 Words starting with *o 465 Words starting with *ö 469 Words starting with *s 478 Words starting with *t 509 Words starting with *u 528 Words starting with *ü 537 Words starting with *y 543 REFERENCES 547 Samenvatting in het Nederlands 559 Curriculum Vitae 563 PREFACE This study will investigate the phonology of the peripheral Mongolic languages of the Chinese provinces Qinghai and Gansu from a comparative historical viewpoint. The Qinghai-Gansu languages comprise Eastern Yugur (Shira Yugur) and the Shirongol languages. The latter can be subdivided in a Monguor branch, consisting of Mongghul and Mangghuer, and a Baoanic branch, consisting of Baoan, Kangjia, and Dongxiang (Santa). The Qinghai-Gansu languages area are increasingly well-described. They have also been the subject of studies in language contact, mostly in the context of the Amdo or Qinghai-Gansu Sprachbund. However, the phonology of these languages is not simply converging with (Northwest Mandarin) Chinese and (Amdo) Tibetan. Even the developments triggered by these neighbouring languages are not predictable. For instance, new Chinese-inspired restrictions on final consonants are implemented differently in Mangghuer, Kangjia and Dongxiang. Other developments, such as accent-related vowel loss and aspiration phenomena in the consonants, are regional without being induced by Chinese or Tibetan. The present work will examine the relationship between the Qinghai-Gansu languages and Common Mongolic. It provides an overview of the phonological developments of the Qinghai-Gansu languages, comparing them to the reconstructed ancestral language. At the same time it will investigate the archaic features that can be found in these languages, in order to improve the Common Mongolic reconstruc- tions of individual lexemes. Many word shapes in the Qinghai-Gansu languages differ considerably from their counterparts in the better-known central Mongolic languages. Determining which of these deviating features ar