ᠺᠣᠷᠢᠶ᠎ᠠ ᠳᠠᠬᠢ ᠮᠣᠩᠭᠤᠯ ᠤᠨ ᠡᠷᠬᠡᠰᠢᠶᠡᠯ .pdf

QTHE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOSANGELESKOREA THE MONGOL INVASIONSKOREA THE MONGOL INVASIONS BY W. E. HENTHORN 6J? LEIDEN E. J. BRILL 1963PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDSTABLE OF CONTENTS U J f/Z Preface // J / // v Introduction 1 Part I. The Mongol Invasion 14 Chapter 1. The Initial Phase 14 Chapter 2. The Invasions of Sartaq 61 Chapter 3. The Invasions of Tanqut-batur and Prince Yekii 102 Chapter 4. The Invasions of Jfalairtai-qorci 127 Chapter 5. Submission and Alliance 150 Chapter 6. The Rebellion of the Three Patrols, SampyOlch'o 173 Part II. Mongols Demands Upon Koryo 194 1. The Instructions for Surrendering States 194 2. Mongol Military-Administration in KoryO 195 3. Tribute, Levies, and Gifts 201 4. Mongol Military Colonies in Koryo 206 5. Ship Construction 208 6. Post-Stations 210 7. Military Support 210 8. Hostages 211 Appendix: Patrols, pyolch^o 226 Reference Table of Rulers of Kory6 236 Symbols, Abbreviations, and Bibliography 237 Index 248 1382780PREFACE Events of the past decade have once again placed the Korean peninsula in the position of a buffer state where the wars of greater powers are focused. Historians will recall that Korea has had this role thrust upon her many times before. In recent times the peninsula was the battleground for the Sino-Japa- nese War of 1894-1895 while the opening battle of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, a naval action, took place off the present port of Inch'6n. As a result, a number of studies of the various aspects of modern Korean society, particularly in its contacts with the West, have been undertaken but little at- tention has been given to the evolution of that society. Yet it is only when this is studied for each period in Korean history that studies of contemporary Ko- rean society can be approached in other than a limited sense. The Kory6 ^ )^ period (918-1392) during which the Mongol invasions occurred was a great formative period in the history of the development of Korean society. The period encompassing the Mongol invasions of the thir- teenth century and the subsequent establishment of Mongol military-adminis- trative organs on the Korean peninsula was one of the important phases of transition in Korean history. The development of any society is, of course, continuous, but for the purposes of study I have found it convenient to treat the subject at hand in two natural divisions. The Mongol invasions of Korea in the thirteenth century as a development in Korean history form the subject of the present study. It is my intention to treat, in a separate work, the full extension of Mongol control in Korea which followed the period of conquest and with which I have dealt only summarily if at all in these pages. For the period covered I have, how- ever, considered the question of the form and nature of Mongol demands upon Koryd as well as the implementation of these demands as an illustration of Mongol methods of establishing control in and extracting wealth from con- quered nations. The reciprocal of this was the Kory6 response to Mongol de- mands and pressures which was obviously limited and guided by her internal situation as well as hei external relations. The Mongol conquest and subsequent occupation of KoryO represent but one phase in the development of the Mongol empire and in many respects the least known phase. The Mongols, initially, did not set out to conquer Koryo ixbut were at the time fighting the Chin in North China. When a drive across South Manchuria led them into northern Koryo, they obtained KoryO's sub- mission Avithout fighting a battle against Kory6 forces. There were many factors which contributed to KoryO's initial peaceful submission but the key factor was that the Mongols represented, or appeared to represent, the new power in Manchuria, And KoryO had always been tributary to the power which held North China and Manchuria. When it became apparent that the Mongols were not at the time strong enough to hold South Manchuria, Koryo severed the relationship. This led to a period of sporadic warfare lasting almost thirty years. When KoryO finally submitted to the Mongols it was due more to internal events than as a result of the conflict. It has been one of the pur- poses of this study to examine these events and, if possible, to discover some of the reasons behind what were often apparently contradictory act ions by the Kory6 authorities. My approach has been primarily philological and in this respect I have, in general, endeavored to 'let the records speak for them- selves'. Unfortunately studies of pre-modern Korean history by Western scholars have been extremely limited to say the least, while studies by Korean, Chi- nese, and Japanese scholars are often difficult to obtain. In consideration thereof, I have divided the present study into two parts. The first part is in the form of a descriptive and chronological narrative; the second part deals primarily with considerations and consequences of events described in the first part and is more analytical in nature. Thus, a 'feed-back' methodology is projected. The narrative of events places them in perspective so that an analysis of component parts may be undertaken without distortion; the analysis of component parts in turn allows modification of the narrative of events. Since Homer Hulbert's two volume History ofKorea, first published in 1905 has recently been reprinted, a word should be said about earlier ac- counts of Korean history which include J.Ross* History of Corea, first printed in 1880, W.E.Griffis', Corea, the Hermit Nation, first printed in 1882, and J. S. Gale's, A History of the Korean People, which appeared se- rially in the Korean Mission Field in the years 1925-1927o It would be too easy to subject the pertinent sections of these works to criticism but since I can see no purpose which would be served by so doing, I have refrained from commenting on what I consider to have been valiant pioneer efforts. For the convenience of the non-specialist, I have added an introductory chapter which provides a brief background and I have endeavored, particu- larly in the narrative, to relegate technical matters to footnotes. However, for convenience, whenever a reference consists merely of the abbreviatedtitle of the work plus chUan and page numbers, I have simply placed such in- formation in parentheses in the appropriate location. In the romanization of Chinese (except for .^- which I have romanized ke) I have followed the Wade-Giles system with the usual modifications; for Jap- anese the Hepburn system, again with the usual modifications. In the roman- ization of Korean I have followed the McCune-Reischauer system with the following exceptions: 1) utilized names or terms commonly known in another form, e.g., Seoul, H j£ , etc. 2) spaced rather than linked both particles and auxiliary verbs; rendered S-j as ui in all cases; and omitted the diaeresis over e '^M when so called for by the MR system. In the reconstruction of Mongolian names and terms, I have followed the works of Pelliot, Hambis, Shiratori, and Cleaves and, excluding the well- known term daruyaci or resident commissioner, references have been pro- vided in footnotes. Where no reference is provided the reconstruction is my own. Since my knowledge of thirteenth century Mongolian is very limited, I have left the majority of these names in Chinese transcription, providing orthographic variants when such were encountered, excluding variations re- sulting from the well-known Ch'ien-lung language reforms of the mid- eighteenth century. When the name of a location differs from its current designation, I have endeavored to identify or locate it by placing in parentheses following it the modern name it is known by or the area in which it is located; more detailed references are given in footnotes. All bibliographical abbreviations are in capital letters and may be found in the bibliography; non-bibliographical abbreviations are listed separately preceding the bibliography. All dates are lunar except where the western name of the month is given in which case they are solar. In indicating the reign dates of monarchs, I have commenced with the wdnny when a monarch reigned only during the year of his accession, I have accorded the monarch that year as his 'reign-year'. In indicating the birth dates of individuals when the age at death was known I have arrived at the birth date by subtracting the age plus two years since, as is well-known, in Korea like in China, a child is assumed to be one-year old upon his birth and adds one year to his age each successive (lunar) new year's day. It should be observed that even this method does not always produce the correct year of birth.Translations of the titles of works in Chinese, Korean, and Japanese are provided in brackets following the title in the original language; when the author of such a work has himself supplied either a translation or an alter- nate title in a western language, it is so indicated by quotation marks. A word of caution must be given regarding large numbers occurring in the text. The majority of figures of 10 000 or more should be viewed with some skepticism while the number three should always be suspect. I gratefully acknowledge the aid given to me by The Rockefeller Founda- tion and The Ford Foundation whose generous assistance made it possible for me to work at Leiden which resulted in this study, the publication of which was aided by a grant from the Netherlands Ministerie van Onderwijs, Kunsten en Wetenschappen. Needless to say, the views expressed in this study are entirely my own. I wish particularly to thank Mr. and Mrs. Schepel-Verschoo'r of Leiden for their many kindnesses. Indeed, my indebtedness to all my Dutch friends can be only insufficiently expressed here; I owe a similar debt to Mr. Boyd Compton of New York City whose personal encouragement and warm friendship gave me the courage to continue. For their generous assistance in locating relevant materials I express my deep appreciation to Dr. Li Ogg (Yi Ok) J^ ^ of the University de Paris and Madame Meuvert of the Ecole Na- tionale des Langues Orientales Vivantes, Paris. It is a pleasure to acknow- ledge the cooperation and efforts of the firm of Brill 2) from 1170 to 1270, Kory6 was under the control of the military government and the monarchs became figureheads; 3) from 1270onward, power was restored to the monarch while events in Koryo tended to reflect, in pro- and anti-Mongol factions alike, the vicissitudes of the Yiian and the rise of the Ming until the end of the Kory6 Dynasty in 1392.At the time of the Mongol invasions, Kory6 was under the firm control of a military government as indeed it had been for over fifty years. While there appears to have been no great socio-political and hence economic distinction between the civil and the military officials at the beginning of the Koryo Dy- nasty 6), by the reign of tJijong (r. 1147-1170) '^), a rigid class distinction existed between the civil and the military officials. The ranks of the literati, who held the government posts of importance, were closed to the military and their descendants and reserved for those of royal lineage or the descendants of the civil officials. It was not long before the dissipations of tJijong — if the records be believed — placed the actual control of the state in the hands of the literati and the eunuchs °) who then endeavored to further strengthen their own power by making the military as a group as weak as possible while abusing them individually 9). This eliminated in a coiip d'etat by Ch6ng Chxmgbu 10) i^ 1170, and the military then began to compete among themselves for power 11). Ch6ng deposed tJijong and placed Myongjong (r. 1171-1197) 12) on the throne after a wholesale purge of the civil officials. This was followed by many abor- tive attempts by members of Ch6ng's own followers to wrest power from him and there were also several unsuccessful attempts to topple Ch6ng by other military leaders 1^) until, finally, he was overthrown and killed by Generally) KySng TaeSung 15) in 1179 16). The competition for power among the military had given rise to strong house armies and so, when General Kyong died sud- denly in 1183, Yi Uimin 1“^) became the new military ruler on the strength of his house army. Then in 1196, Ch'oe Ch'unghon ^ J^W\ established him- self as the ruling power by assassinating Yi. In each case the house armies made up of household retainers were the deciding factor in the power struggle and it was on the strength of these private forces that power was retained 1^). The century of rule by military overlords 19) may be set forth in brief chronology as follows: 1170-1179 Ch6ngChungbu 1179-1183 Ky6ng Taesflng 1183 - 1196 Yi Uimin 1196 - 1258 Ch'oe clan 1196 - 1218 Ch'oe Ch'ungh6n 1219 - 1249 Ch'oeU^ 1250 - 1256 Ch'oe Hang jfj^ 1257 - 1258 Ch'oe Ui ijl“ 1258 - 1268 Kim Chun /^^ \= Kim Injun) 1268 - 1270 Im clan 1268 - 1270 Im Y6n ji^^yj - 1270 - Im Yumu j^\^ jf^Map of Korea and adjacent areas (ca. 1217) Hs/f/v-P''''fr-'-'^ C»it^/,„t) y^During the period of the military government the monarchs were largely in the position of figureheads. There were, of course, attempts by the mo- narchs to alter this situation which normally led to their removal and exile or, upon occasion, their murder 20). Kojong (r. 1214-1259) 21)^ the monarch during whose long reign many of the events related in the subsequent pages occurred, immersed himself in Buddhist devotions and activities. Ceremonial activities accounted for the remainder of his time while the practical affairs of government were handled by the various government bureaus which were mo- deled, to a large extent, after Chinese counterparts. Distinct from, yet in actual operational control of all government organs, were the various organs organized and developed by the military rulers. Through this latter structure the military rulers guided the affairs of state 22) . KoryS's first recorded contact with the Mongols occurred in 1211, i.e., the seventh year of the reign of Kory6 Huijong (r. 1205-1211) 23) when a Koryo envoy to the Chin court was killed by Mongol soldiers (KS21. 25b). Although this was in time to prove a prophetic encounter, Koryo' s first contacts with Mongol forces on a large scale began upon a much different note. The 'Record of Yuan-Kory6 Affairs', Yuan Kao-li chi-shih ^ ^ ^ a^^' opens with a concise statement of the initial phase of Yuan-Kory6 relations: “In the thirteenth year (1218) of T'ai-tsu J^;f^ (Cinggis, 1155 -1227), the troops of heaven (Mongol) reached Kory6. Their monarch submitted and [agreed to] the interchange of envoys and annual tribute. In the nine- teenth year (1224) bandits killed our envoy and thereafter [envoys] did not come at all“ {YKCld). As succinct as these few lines are they underscore the salient features of Kory6's initial relations with the Mongols. To begin with, the Mongol of- fensive which swept acr